| State |
1999 Assesment |
2001 Assesment |
Net Increase |
| Andhra Pradesh |
44229 |
44637 |
+408 |
| Chattisgarh |
56693 |
56448 |
-245 |
| Jharkhand |
21644 |
22637 |
+993 |
| Madhya Pradesh |
75137 |
77265 |
+2128 |
| Orissa |
47033 |
48838 |
+1805 |
| West Bengal |
8362 |
10693 |
+2331 |
| All India |
637293 |
675538 |
+38245 |
(Ref.: State of forest report
2001, forest Survey of India)
The recorded forest area in some states is as follows: 2003 (Area in sq.km)
| State |
Reserved Forest |
Protected Forest |
Unclassed Forest |
Total Forest |
T.Forest as % of Land Area |
Andhra Pradesh |
50,479 |
12,365 |
977 |
63,821 |
23.2 |
Chattisgarh |
25,782 |
24,036 |
9,954 |
59,772 |
44.2 |
Jharkhand |
4,387 |
19,185 |
33 |
23,605 |
29.6 |
Madhya Pradesh |
58,734 |
35,587 |
900 |
95,221 |
30.9 |
Orissa |
26,329 |
15,525 |
16,282 |
58,136 |
37.3 |
West Bengal
|
7,054 |
3,772 |
1,053 |
11,879 |
13.4 |
All India
|
399,919 |
238,434 |
136387 |
774,740 |
|
Source: State of Forest Report 2003, Forest Survey of India
Forest fringe villages and forest dependant population
Sl. |
State/UT |
Total number of villages |
Villages having forest |
Number |
Forest Area (ha) |
Population |
1. |
Andhra Pradesh |
26,586 |
5,080 |
2,566,842 |
10,674,334 |
2. |
Arunachal Pradesh |
3,649 |
(1,321) |
NA |
(273019) |
3. |
Assam |
24,685 |
2,140 |
219,322 |
1,490,401 |
4. |
Bihar |
67,513 |
17,044 |
2,502,137 |
11,205,120 |
5. |
Goa |
360 |
138 |
88,358 |
232,613 |
6. |
Gujarat |
18,028 |
4,732 |
1,354,765 |
3,178,244 |
7. |
Haryana |
6,759 |
90 |
7,967 |
127,678 |
8. |
Himachal Pradesh |
16,997 |
5,994 |
991,644 |
1,526,347 |
9. |
Jammu & Kashmir |
6,477 |
(2,670) |
NA |
(2,255,431) |
10. |
Karnataka |
27,066 |
7,130 |
2,738,414 |
9,309,720 |
11. |
Kerala |
1,384 |
317 |
903,599 |
4,482,951 |
12. |
Madhya Pradesh |
71,526 |
29,294 |
6,715,840 |
19,953,453 |
13. |
Maharashtra |
40,412 |
15,694 |
3,165,387 |
19,043,898 |
14. |
Manipur |
2,182 |
(1,850) |
NA |
(715,738) |
15. |
Meghalya |
5,484 |
(3,927) |
NA |
(1,007,830) |
16. |
Mizoram |
698 |
(683) |
NA |
(323,293) |
17. |
Nagaland |
1,216 |
669 |
490,554 |
531,285 |
18. |
Orissa |
46,989 |
29,302 |
1,779,953 |
15,934,768 |
19. |
Punjab |
12,428 |
133 |
30,031 |
144,057 |
20. |
Rajasthan |
37,889 |
7,114 |
2,109,981 |
6,780,697 |
21. |
Sikkim |
447 |
(305) |
NA |
(248,693) |
22. |
Tamil Nadu |
15,822 |
1,405 |
1,919,961 |
3,113,298 |
23. |
Tripura |
855 |
644 |
567,041 |
1,594,837 |
24. |
Uttar Pradesh |
112,803 |
23,900 |
3,374,665 |
23,954,868 |
25. |
West Bengal |
37,910 |
8,571 |
614,682 |
8,399,279 |
26. |
Andaman & Nicobar Islands |
504 |
153 |
35,485 |
118,961 |
27. |
Chandigarh |
25 |
9 |
185 |
20,418 |
28. |
Dadra & Nagar Haveli |
71 |
59 |
20,702 |
95,479 |
29. |
Daman & Diu |
24 |
6 |
507 |
27,148 |
30. |
Delhi |
199 |
5 |
283 |
13,605 |
31. |
Lakshdweep |
23 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
32. |
Pondicherry |
263 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
Total |
587,274 |
170,379 |
32,198,305 |
146,777,463 |
Note: Figures in brackets are the estimates of Forest Survey of India
Policies relating to forest
Inter-community conflicts over boundaries
and access rights have increased as traditional (and even
formal) access rights of different groups have not been taken
into account while initiating JFM. There is often a conflict
between nomadic graziers and settled community wherever forest
patches that fall within the traditional migration routes
have been “closed” under JFM by the settled community.
The new guidelines issued by the ministry of environment
and forest (MoEF) suggests formation of multi-stakeholder
working groups. While such groups already exist in some states,
their performance is far from satisfactory.
Forest legislation and policy in
India
Indian Forest Act, 1878
According to the 1878 Act,
the State was recognised as sole proprietor of classified
forest lands. State forest lands were loosely defined as
lands that did not fall under ‘continuous’ cultivation
or ‘permanent’ settlement. Traditional forest
practices, including grazing, forest-based gathering and
forest-based rotational agriculture were rejected as a basis
for private property rights. Previously defined rights of
access and use were to be redefined by the government as ‘privileges’ for
specific tribes, castes, villages and organisations. (Lynch
and Talbot 1995; Poffenberger and Singh 1996)
Indian Forest Act, 1927
The 1927 Act incorporated few substantive
changes over the 1878 Act and it remains the legislative
basis for state forest management today. The Indian government
adopted the 1927 Act after it gained independence. At this
time, however, and according to the newly enacted Indian
Constitution, forests were placed under the so-called ‘state
list’. In 1976, the Indian Forest Act ensured that
the Centre and states shared responsibility and control over
forest matters. Presently, the government of India does have
the power to legislate on forestry issues but only after
consulting the states.
Forest Conservation Act, 1980
With the passage of the Forest Conservation
Act, the central government reasserted some of its control
over forest-based resources because the 1980 Act restricts
the state government’s power to de-reserve a forest,
and it restricts the use of forestland for non-forestry purposes
(WWF 1997) without the prior approval of the central government.
National Forest Policy of 1952
Though the prior distinction of ‘rights’ vs. ‘privileges’ is
not detailed in the 1927 Act, the concept has persisted in
various forms and remains the source of a deep-seated antagonism
between the state and forest-dependent communities. The post-independence
National Forest Policy of 1952 personified this antagonism
when it stated that, “the accident of a village being
situated close to a forest does not prejudice the right of
the country as a whole to receive the benefits of a national
asset” (Poffenberger and Singh 1996:61). Commercial
exploitation and degradation of India’s forests increased
dramatically after 1947 in a post-independent India. Indeed,
the 1952 National Forest Policy set out guidelines which
were, for the most part, directed towards the supply of cheap
timber and non-timber forest products for state-sponsored
industrialisation and modernisation (Corbridge and Jewitt
1997; Kuchli 1997). The inability to regulate access to forest
lands, and the popular resistance that exclusionary policies
and laws has engendered, has forced a number of ‘re-evaluations’ of
the forest sector’s legal framework and the place of
India’s forest-dependent communities within it (Lynch
and Talbot 1995). These re-evaluations resulted in the social
forestry programme of the seventies and the joint forestry
programme of the nineties, described below.
National Forest Policy, 1988
The National Forest Policy, 1988, envisages
people’s involvement in the development and protection
of forests. The requirements of people living in and near
forests for fuel wood, fodder and small timber, are to be
treated as first priority and forest communities should be
motivated to identify themselves with the development and
protection of forests from which they derive benefits (Poffenberger
and Singh 1996, emphasis added). The policy goes on to state
that the principle aim must be to ensure environmental stability
and maintenance of an ecological balance which is vital for
sustenance of all life forms, human, plant or animal. The
derivation of economic benefit must be subordinated to this
principal aim (Krishnaswamy 1994).
COMMUNITY FORESTRY PROGRAMMES
The Social Forestry Programme
Under the social forestry
programme in 1976, an attempt was made to reconcile industrial
forestry and the basic, forest-related needs of rural communities.
The state identified 175 million acres of ‘wastelands’,
deforested or overgrazed private and communal lands, to be
made available for the programme. A parastatal organisation,
the National Wasteland Development Board, was set up as the
co-ordinating or lead agency. In terms of meeting tree planting
targets, most social forestry projects were extremely successful.
The drive to plant trees was unparalleled. Experience with
social forestry projects in India, however, has shown that
these institutions are typically too large, heterogeneous,
politicised and far removed from the resource to serve as
effective management structures (Sarin 1996). It is important
to note, however, that social forestry was instrumental in
introducing a community-extension orientation into state
forest departments that adopted the programme.
Joint Forest Management (JFM)
Briefly, JFM is an evolving policy-based
programme which sets out to establish management ‘partnerships’ between
local forest-dependent communities and the state for the
sustainable management and joint benefit sharing of public
forest land (Sarin 1995). JFM does not involve the transfer
of ownership over forests, but attempts instead to restructure
the formal system of access, decision-making, and sharing
of benefits to account for the needs of local communities.
Twenty-two states have issued their resolutions for JFM. |