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The federation makes huge profit from TL operations.
The federation at the same time claims that it usually incurs
losses in other produces. However figures suggest that it
also makes profit in all other produces (refer annexures on
individual produces expenditure and income), though not in
the scale as in case of TL. The margins are definitely less,
and have become uncertain in recent periods (Harra is a case
in point). Could this also be a reason for advance tendering?
There are allegations that federation is not
procuring Harra in most areas. It also does not give much
importance to procurement of Sal seed. In the case of former,
reason given is that the federation is helpless as the market
is dull and it is not able to clear the previous years' stock.
There is a provision for grievance redressal, in which case
collectors and traders can formally lodge complaints from
level of Ranger to PCCF.
Incentive Wages
One of the major changes effected in the undivided
state in response to 73rd amendment (PESA) have been in distribution
of incentive wages. Since the provision bestows ownership
of NTFP to Gram Sabhas, it was decided that all net receipt
from operations of TL would be distributed to primary co-operative
societies. Societies in turn would distribute the profit as
follows -
-
50% - as incentive
wages to the members directly
-
20% - to be spent towards
development of forests and NTFP resources. The fund for
PPA comes from this 20%.
-
30% - ordinarily to
be spent in basic infrastructure development of respective
area and can be given to the members directly if the society
so wishes. It has been decided to construct godowns in
the leaf growing areas so as to increase storage capacity
that in turn would enhance collection of the leaves thereby
increasing income to pluckers.
The incentive wages for the year 1998 was
distributed in May 2000 with much fanfare with prominent state
and central congress leaders distributing it in different
districts.
After creation of the state of Chhatisgarh,
the new state has decided that the above ratio will be 70:15:15.
Other positive developments
Though it could not be verified, some of the
steps initiated or proposed imply that the state has forward-looking
policies in place. A case in point is the stipulation proposed
- that 50% of phad Munshis have to be women. The Phad Munshi
also has to make arrangements for crèche facility and
drinking water for women and pluckers. The federation has
also constructed a number of godowns in TL producing areas
out of allocated 30% net income.
Imli Andolan (Van Dhan Samiti) in
Bastar
Tribal Trade of NTFP in Bastar
During collection season of NTFP, men folk
usually roam forests for a few days at a stretch in groups
of 5 - 10 gathering NTFP, while women tend homes. Women venture
out to gather NTFP that can be collected nearer home so that
they are back during afternoon. After return of men from forest,
women normally take care of produce by engaging in activities
from sorting and cleaning to taking to weekly haats for selling.
They would measure and take out quantity they require to sell
at a time, depending on need. Women in groups carry head loads
all the way to market, which could be as far away as 20 -
30 km.
Once in haat, they explore the market to get
an idea of rates first by selling low quantities. Apart from
prices that are anyway low in comparison to the retail markets,
the traders cheat on the weight. The group of women would
aggregate to share their findings and then proceed to sell
head loads to a particular buyer who they deem to be fairest.
They rarely display loyalties to any particular buyer with
whom they would associate every market day. Besides fairness,
the yardstick they use to determine whom to sell to is availability
of necessary goods under same cover. Being not very comfortable
with handling currency notes and out of habit they prefer
to finish both selling and buying at least number of shops.
This would save them of harassment of having to deal and bargain
with more people as well as save time enough to relax and
socialise before resuming journeys back home.
Sometime traders force village women to off
load their produces by snatching their goods or pulling them.
The women folk usually do not resist such actions.
The forest produce is also sold to traders
who come to villages or to village shopkeepers. The itinerant
traders or kutchias put up their shops in markets and also
tour villages in search of NTFP. They often share personal
relations with tribal - either filial or commercial- that
provide them the push to visit tribal at their homes. Besides
kutchias employ emotional campaigns to get villagers to dump
forest produce with them. Their constant contact with tribal
familiarise them to domestic situations of each of the families.
Being moneyed class in the villages they often chip in with
aid, monetary or otherwise, when tribal are in need. By providing
tribal a variety of services they manage to endear themselves
and earn a livelihood.
Tribal remain in their villages during paddy
crop and Tamarind season, when they work from their homes.
During these days, they earn about Rs. 20 - 25 a day if someone
else employs them. During other times, when they are out in
forests for few days, they mostly survive on food available
in the wilds. And the stays in forest are not at cost of any
other income source, as there are hardly any. Therefore the
tribal visit to forests is a source of income for their families,
as they bring back commodities that will sell, without a drain
on resources of the family. At the same time, it is very difficult
to ascertain the kind of income tribal derive during course
of a week, from their stay away and sale of gathered produce
at a later stage in absence of any fixed or assured returns
for produces collected.
Imli Aandolan (Van Dhan Samiti)
In light of above, the local district administration
decided to intervene in NTFP trade in the year 1999 as part
of a larger role envisaged in overall social, economical and
ecological development of one of the economically backward
region of the country. Imli or Tamarind was chosen as the
entry point produce due to its importance in the tribal economy
and that's how the intervention came to be known as Imli Andolan.
The government intervention did away with
middlemen at Bastar level. Van Dhan Samitis (VDS) formed under
Panchayati Raj act purchased forest produce from villages,
haats and bazaars. Unregistered traders who had been traditionally
attending markets were banned. Laws banning trade in forest
produce by non-tribal outside Mandis was enforced despite
opposition by traders. The traders even tried to influence
at political levels and procured produces illegally.
To start with, three types of Samities were
entitled to operate in bazaars and haats. Each panchayat had
one Samiti formed and ratified by gram Sabha and registered
with block panchayat. They had their bank accounts into which
the block panchayat transferred money, which it used to make
purchases at haats. The block panchayats receive money from
zilla panchayat that in turn is funded by TRIFED. The second
variety of VDS were the Van Surakhya Samities formed under
aegis of forest department. The fund FD received from TRIFED
got channelised through range offices to FPCs. The last kind
of Samities was the LAMPS and other smaller co-operative societies
of co-operative department. The RRBs and co-op banks funded
their operations, which in turn got money from TRIFED.
These Samities collected goods by visiting
a few markets during the week and then deposited them to nearest
TRIFED collection centres from where it was transported to
godowns and cold storages in Jagdalpur. Systems were evolved
to ensure smooth transfer of goods and cash from and to VDSs.
TRIFED took the responsibility of marketing the produces so
procured. During the peak time, TRIFED was procuring 70 items
that included the important surplus agricultural produces
of the region as well, apart from NTFP.
Legal Aspects
In order to protect the tribal from exploitation,
the district authorities in Bastar, came out with a novel
design with strict ensuring and monitoring mechanisms. The
business in minor forest produce transacted in hat-markets
and Mandis is around Rs. 500 crores, in a year. In this district,
90% of the producers live in rural areas and the entire business
transaction takes place in 220 hat-markets. The district authorities
by holding "confidence camps" in hat-markets, detected
certain aberrations like low payment to primary producers,
cheating in weighing, unequal modes of exchanges etc. They
unanimously decided that exploitation of adivasis has to stop
immediately and action to be taken under Mandi Regulations,
Adivasis exploitation Regulations and Rule 420 and 120(b)
of Indian Penal Code.
Accordingly to the provisions of Madhya Pradesh
Agricultural Produce Mandi Regulations, minor forest produce
can be purchased in agricultural produce Mandis and sub-Mandis
or stockyards in accordance with prescribed business transaction
procedure. The forest department only on the basis of the
sale-purchase declaration issued by the Mandi can issue transit
permits. Similarly, Adivasi exploitation Regulations empowers
the adivasi to file a first information report with the police
against the alleged exploiter. According to Rules 420 and
120(b) of IPC, an office of the Regulatory authority can file
a first information report with the police for any exploitation
that may have taken place in his present.
Transit Permits could be issued for tamarind
purchased by traders from Mandis or sub-Mandis. The concerned
field officers of the forest department can issue such permits
after securing permission from the Divisional Forest Officers/
Range Officers. If any person applies for issue of Transit
Permit for tamarind collected illegally, then forest department
officials would inform the Mandi Secretary who can take steps
for seizure etc of goods. Steps can also be taken for confiscation
of the vehicle used in illegal transport. The Sub-divisional
officer (Sub-Collector) or the Tehsildars was made the empowered
officer of the mandi. The empowered officers were expected
to study the provisions of the Regulations and ensure adherence
to the procedures prescribed therein. The Divisional Forest
Officers/ Range Officers engaged special police in hat-markets
to deal with market barriers. Besides, each market had a nominated
officer. The nominated officer ensured purchase of tamarind
and other minor forest produce in the hat-markets according
to the procedure.
Institutional Mechanisms in Imli
Andolan
District Administration
The collector's office acted as an influencing,
motivating institution due to qualities of the incumbent,
and pushed officials at lower level to act. It co-ordinated
with various departments and ensured that the machinery performs.
It sought regular reports from lower levels and had set up
information systems. The collector personally oversaw the
operations ensuring that proper prices were paid and proper
practices followed, that the finances and collection facilities
reach on time and also determined future course of action.
The block officials ensured that markets were monitored and
funds utilised properly. Their presence in bazaars provided
Samities the required confidence to carry on operations and
act as deterrent for anti social elements.
TRIFED
The financier and marketer of operations
was TRIFED. Its role was to provide platform for effective
marketing of tribal produce. It provided infrastructure and
support for effective procurement, storage and marketing of
forest produce. TRIFED's network of collection centres aggregated
the produce and transported it to storage locations. Its presence
in markets, with staff and infrastructure, provided backbone
for the operations. At the same time, TRIFED was also involved
in distribution of essential commodities to tribal.
Rajiv Gandhi Mission
The development mission was a proponent of
the operations and its role important to relieve district
administration partly of its responsibilities. It undertook
extension activities and enlightened tribal about the new
system and served as an effective feedback mechanism for planners
through its education programmes.
Apex Committee - Pricing
The apex committee under leadership of collector
met every Saturday to monitor performance and operations over
the past week, decided on prices and commissions and planned
for future. The committee had as its members, heads of departments
of all concerned and other bodies like TRIFED, Rajiv Gandhi
Mission, and FD.
OILFED/ SILKFED.
OILFED and SILKFED's role were diluted with
procurement by TRIFED, who had sole marketing rights. Under
such circumstances, their roles were reduced to bare minimum
with some of their facilities being used off and on. But these
organisations could have been vital sources for technical
know how, training and R& D inputs.
What happened later?
TRIFED stopped procuring from VDS in May
2001. The prices of Tamarind immediately crashed to Rs. 1
- 1.50 a Kg. The movement seemed to have taken a halt, if
not completely stopped. Approach of district administration,
though benevolent and genuine, remained top - down and the
tempo was difficult to sustain in absence of any alternative
mechanisms as it was the collector and district level staff
who drove the effort. Even Panchayat institutions played a
very marginal role in this intervention.
There was a market slump in 2001 that affected
tamarind trade, prices touched rock bottom, but TRIFED was
unable to match those prices. Though it was procuring, it
was unable to sell at the same prices. When it stopped procurement
in May 2001, it had 25000 MT of seeded tamarind at various
godowns. (In April 2002, it still had stock of nearly 17000
MT for which it was incurring Rs. 60 per MT a month as storage
cost) TRIFED was serving with makeshift staff and storage
facilities. It required finance and commitment of the top
brass to concretise the system. The officials and staff were
not very sure of its role and plans for future.
Not all VDS were holy cows. Some never attended
markets regularly and sat over funds that locked up substantial
amount of capital. Besides those attending markets did not
often meet break-even volumes that would have encouraged them
becoming regular. TRIFED paid them commission for procurement,
for incurring incidental expenses of attending markets such
as refreshments, packing, weighing and transportation as well
as to serve as a benefit of members. This commission was declared
by apex committee and did not suffice in case of all Samitis
all the time. Besides most markets were not known to witness
heavy selling of forest produce through out the year. In such
cases sustainability of Samitis operating in these areas during
off - seasons became a problem. This proved a stumbling block
towards institutionalising Samitis as a regular feature in
Bastar Markets.
Traders who initially opposed the movement found ways and
means to make profit out of the arrangement. They either got
into committees themselves or influenced the members by virtue
of their superior knowledge in the trade. They got produces
from neighbouring states (notably Orissa) and made profit
out of the difference in prices.
In 2002, TRIFED has not procured any item
till April. However it wishes to procure oilseeds and pulses
as a price support agency.
As an Afterthought
What could have happened in case the government,
state or central, had supported TRIFED in extending its services
as price support agency. Various facts and figures with some
assumptions suggest that it could have worked. Like after
a disastrous 2001, prices have recovered in 2002. Prices at
village level were floating around Rs. 4- 5 a Kg of Tamarind.
Some say this is a positive fall out of the movement, though
it has stopped. Others however feel that after 3 years (1999
- 2001) of increasing trend of Tamarind production, this is
the trough year for production. Hence even TRIFED is hopeful
of disposing all its produces this year. So if the government
takes care of the crunch situations in terms of providing
working capital, TRIFED could actually work as a price support
agency and still work at the least as a no profit no loss
agency.
But this question has become incorrect politically
where tribal community does not have any voice and withdrawal
of subsidy is the order of the day.
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